It’s a good day to return to the question of the Supreme Court’s corruption and the necessity of reforming it in order to make democratic self-government possible again in the United States. The federal Constitution is an expansive document. Within the system begun with Marbury v. Madison — a system certainly subject to many reasonable critiques — it is possible to have more liberal or conservative jurisprudences, more activist or restrained courts, loosely tethered to the progress of presidencies and senates. The Roberts Court is a different beast. It is the product of a decades-long effort to corrupt the federal judiciary. That degree of corruption first came into full view in the second decade of this century when the Court openly began to do three closely interrelated but conceptually distinct things.
It’s a good day to return to the question of the Supreme Court’s corruption and the necessity of reforming it in order to make democratic self-government possible again in the United States. The federal Constitution is an expansive document. Within the system begun with Marbury v. Madison — a system certainly subject to many reasonable critiques — it is possible to have more liberal or conservative jurisprudences, more activist or restrained courts, loosely tethered to the progress of presidencies and senates. The Roberts Court is a different beast. It is the product of a decades-long effort to corrupt the federal judiciary. That degree of corruption first came into full view in the second decade of this century when the Court openly began to do three closely interrelated but conceptually distinct things.
We’re about 90% of the way to our goal in our annual TPM Membership Drive. If you’ve somehow missed the theme of the drive, it’s that we here at TPM are chronicling the national crisis. The national crisis we’re talking about obviously includes Donald Trump, who is something akin to a great accelerator or catalyst.
But if you’ve followed our Supreme Court coverage today, you know that the crisis neither began when Trump took office nor will it end when he leaves office. There is a lot of work to do. Much of that work cannot be done by journalists. But the documenting of abuse by public officials not only can be done by journalists but must be done by journalists. So, if you’ve been putting off joining for whatever reason, make today the day and help us hit our goal so we can do our part in return.
There is a dimension to the latest developments in the redistricting wars that isn’t hidden precisely but isn’t getting the attention it should. Put simply, Donald Trump’s interests are rapidly diverging from those of his House Republicans.
Florida Governor Ron DeSantis just introduced a new Florida House map which purports to net Republicans an additional four seats in November. But Florida incumbents are more than a little spooked about it. They don’t like it. When you aggressively gerrymander a state, you do more than create more seats for your party. You also create some level of risk that that map will amplify a wave election into a true blowout. Thin the margin of your safe seats enough to create some more safe or favorable seats and all those existing seats become a bit more vulnerable. It’s only a real danger in a wave election. But that’s precisely what 2026 looks like.
ICE at the polls, purged voter rolls, ballot seizure, and efforts to block certification: Joe Morelle and other House Dems have put together a team that’s planning to confront “150 threats” that could cause election interference in the midterms.
Talking Popes Memo: Josh and Joe are joined by Deputy Editor Nicole LaFond to figure out why Trump is feuding with the Pope, why Hegseth quoted Pulp Fiction, and what makes the MAGA brand of evangelicalism so different.
The TPM Social Club is joined this week by Max Rivlin-Nadler of Hell Gate, an independent publication owned and run by journalists devoted to covering NYC.
